booklet
for what it is, self-published propaganda disguised as history.” Most
importantly, he wanted the
Washington
State
community “to know that those views and others sympathetic to them are
intellectually and morally reprehensible and unacceptable to me and to
the leadership of WSU.”
Wilson
’s affiliated
enterprises in
Moscow
launched an aggressive campaign to denounce the presidents of the two
universities, the “abolitionist” historians, and community civil
rights activists as the deluded representatives of “modern
secularism.” In prominent advertisements in several local newspapers,
Wilson and his supporters argued that “slavery isn’t the issue.”
“Establishment secularism,” they claimed, “can’t stand real
criticism. It can’t bear real differences.” The advertisements
suggested that the real goal of local critics of
Wilson
’s defense of racial slavery was “silencing dissent.” Less
publicly, however, Wilson and the dean of his “
New
Saint Andrews
College
,” Roy Atwood, began working to silence the
University
of
Idaho
historians who had brought the slavery booklet to the attention of the
community. They were especially upset that the University’s director
of Diversity and Human Rights, Raul Sanchez, had placed a hyperlink to
the Quinlan/Ramsey book review on the Diversity Office website. In an
angry letter to the university provost,
Wilson
claimed that the book review was “slanderous” and “defamatory”
and demanded disciplinary action and a public apology, while Atwood
wrote a similar letter to the president. Failing to get the desired
response,
Wilson
wrote to Idaho Governor Dirk Kempthorne asking him to step in and
“remove the
University
of
Idaho
as a launching pad for their mortar rounds.”
Wilson’s
“history” conference in February, 2004, saw the arrival of League of
the South co-founder Steve Wilkins, anti-gay minister George Grant, and
nearly 800 fundamentalist culture warriors intent on challenging the
secular worldview of northern Idaho (and touring the New Saint Andrews
College facility with their home-schooled teenagers). Wilkins readily
acknowledged to local reporters that the League of the South hoped to
secede from the United States and create a new Confederate Nation
dedicated to states’ rights, Biblical Law, and the restoration of the
“cultural hegemony” of Christian southerners, but he angrily denied
that it was a racist or white supremacist organization, as claimed by
the Southern Poverty Law Center. To make his point, he organized a
special lecture, entitled, “The Sin of Racism,” in which he
condemned all forms of racial discrimination and reiterated that
southern slavery was not a racist institution but one based on mutual
affection and social harmony. Many Idahoans found it unpersuasive.
The University of
Idaho
, meanwhile, scheduled simultaneous educational activities to celebrate
Black History month and promote the ideals of tolerance and diversity.
In support of the university and area minorities, nearly 2,000
volunteers from the community traced their hands on pieces of paper, cut
them out, and pasted them on giant letters that spelled out “Hands for
Human Rights.” The letters were then arranged in front of the Student
Union Building where the conference was being held so that culture
warriors would have to walk past them every day. The president of the
Seattle
chapter of the NAACP, Carl Mack, arrived to denounce the pro-slavery
booklet of Wilson and Wilkins as “white supremacy” in a spirited
rally that brought over 300 student protestors, mostly white, to their
feet. One African American student from Washington State University,
interviewed afterward by the Daily
News, said that she was happy that Mr. Wilson would finally
“see people who look like him standing up for people who look like
me.” Hundreds of protestors then marched peacefully through the snow
with signs that read “Slavery Bad,” and “The Civil War is over.”
By the end of the weekend, civil rights advocates were almost too worn
out to fully appreciate the detailed presentation by Mark Potok of the
Southern Poverty Law Center, explaining the white supremacist ambitions
of the League of the South and Doug Wilson’s ties to national
neo-confederate networks.
That
was unfortunate, because Potok’s research offered some of the most
sobering evidence to date that
Moscow
,
Idaho
, had been intentionally targeted as a major battlefield in the culture
wars. He quoted from a sermon delivered by Douglas Wilson on December
28, 2003, posted publicly on his church website.
Wilson
explained to his congregation the military significance of what he
called a “decisive point” in an enemy’s defenses. A decisive
point, he said, was a military target that was both “strategic,”
meaning that it would be a debilitating “loss to the enemy if
taken,” and one that was also “feasible.” Boville, he argued, was
a “feasible” target but not “strategic.”
New York City
, on the other hand, was “strategic” but not “feasible.”
“Small college towns with major research universities,” he
continued, such as “
Moscow
and
Pullman
. . . are both strategic and feasible.” A number of audience members
gasped as Potok read from |